#Lopsided Peace Talks Collapse, Saudis Resume Bombing Yemen and U.S. Sells More Weapons

The Pentagon announced an additional $1.15 billion in weapons sales to Saudi Arabia this week, even as a three-month cease-fire collapsed and the Saudi-led coalition resumed its brutal bombing campaign of the Yemen capital Sana’a.

The U.S. has already sold more than $20 billion of weapons to Saudi Arabia since the war began in March 2015, defying calls from Human Rights Watch and Amnesty International to cut off support. The Saudi-led coalition is responsible for the majority of the 7,000 deaths in the conflict, which has left more than 21 million people in need of urgent humanitarian assistance. Saudi Arabia has been accused of intentionally targeting homes, factories, schools, markets, and hospitals.

On Tuesday, the coalition targeted and destroyed a potato chip factory, killing 14 people (see top photo). The Yemeni press has since reported that coalition has conducted hundreds more airstrikes across the country, killing dozens of people.

The Saudi-led coalition started bombing Yemen several months after Houthi rebels overran the capital and forced the U.S.- and Saudi-backed dictator, Abd Rabbuh Mansur Hadi, into exile. Saudi Arabia has demanded the return of their preferred ruler, calling the rebel group a “coup militia.”

Tuesday’s bombing comes after months of negotiations failed to reach a peace deal between Saudi Arabia, the Houthis, and Yemen’s exiled government. Both the Saudi regime and exiled Yemeni government were quick to place blame on the Houthi rebels, who rejected a U.N.-brokered peace deal.

But the deal was not an even-handed compromise. Middle East Eye reported that the deal was “broadly in line” with what Saudi Arabia wanted – it would return control of Yemen to Hadi, and require the Houthis to turn over their weapons and leave the capital.

The deal would have given Saudi Arabia what it wanted from the start: disarming the Houthis and removing them from power, and installing its preferred ruler. The Houthis rejected the deal, calling the proposal a “media stunt.”

Adam Barron, a Yemen analyst and fellow with the European Council on Foreign Relations, echoed that assessment, and told The Intercept that the deal was not a serious attempt to work out a compromise. “You’d have to look far and wide to find someone familiar with Yemen who would think the Houthis would accept that deal,” he said.

Previous negotiations have floated the idea of forming a unity government – composed of Houthi and former Hadi government leaders. But the exiled Hadi leaders have consistently rejected any deal that would diminish their power over Yemen, and the Houthis have said that they will reject any deal that does not give them a seat at the table.

The State Department has repeatedly stressed that the United States “strongly encourages” peace talks to continue, but it is unclear whether the U.S. would welcome a compromise solution.

Shortly after the bombing campaign began, the U.N. Security Council in April 2015 passed a resolution at the request of Saudi Arabia and with the support of the United States, urging that Saudi Arabia’s demands be met in full. The resolution placed an arms embargo on the Houthis and demanded that they “withdraw forces from the areas they have seized, including the capital, Sana’a.”

The U.N. has since deferred to other Saudi Arabian demands, as well. Earlier this year, after Saudi Arabia was put on the U.N.’s blacklist of child-killers, it threatened to cut off hundreds of millions of dollars in donations to the U.N. The U.N. Secretary General removed the country from the list, pending a “joint review” with the coalition, and indicated that their name will remain off the list until that happens.

Top Photo: Employee look through the damage at the Al-Aqel food factory that makes potato chips in Yemen’s rebel-held capital Sanaa.

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#Donald Trump Talks Tough About Military Contractors, But Quietly Signals Friendship

Donald Trump, who has railed against the political influence of military contractors, denounced wasteful Pentagon spending, and promised a less interventionist foreign policy has nevertheless added to his transition team the leader of a group of defense contractors who advocate greater American militarism.

Michael Rogers, the hawkish former chair of the House Intelligence Committee, will be advising the Trump transition team on national security, the Wall Street Journal reported on Tuesday.

After leaving Congress, Rogers founded a pressure group called Americans for Peace, Prosperity, and Security, intended to “help elect a president who supports American engagement and a strong foreign policy.”

As Lee Fang reported for The Intercept last year, the business executives helping APPS included several defense contractors who stand to gain financially from continued militarism.

At a rally in February, Trump criticized defense spending. “I will build a military bigger, better, stronger,” he said. “I guarantee we can do it for less money. I hear stories like they are ordering missiles they do not want because of politics; because of special interests. Because the company that makes the missiles is a contributor… We are ordering missiles that the generals do not want because of politics.”

Trump has also advocated against military intervention. In July, when asked about the attempted coup in Turkey, he told the New York Times: “I think right now when it comes to civil liberties, our country has a lot of problems, and I think it’s very hard for us to get involved in other countries when we don’t know what we are doing and we can’t see straight in our own country.”

In the same interview, he argued against the NATO alliance: “We’re talking about countries that are doing very well. Then yes, I would be absolutely prepared to tell those countries, ‘Congratulations, you will be defending yourself.’”

Despite Trump’s non-interventionist talk, a financial analyst predicted in April that a Trump presidency would be good for the defense industry. In June, the Trump campaign met with representatives of defense contractors Boeing, Raytheon and Lockheed Martin, the Daily Beast reported.

Defense contractors were also an important part of Rogers’s congressional bids. During his 2014 run, for example, he took campaign contributions from ManTech International, L-3 Communications, Motorola Solutions, Northrop Grumman, BAE Systems, Boeing, and Lockheed Martin.

Rogers founded APPS with leftover campaign money after he retired from Congress last year. The group has held campaign events in which candidates discussed national security. Most recently, APPS held a national security forum at the RNC with Chris Christie.

Since last April, the group has held 27 forums on national security with 14 GOP candidates.

Rogers is part of a minority in the national security community that supports Trump — none of the other leaders at APPS has endorsed the candidate, for example.

APPS advisory board member Danielle Pletka, who is vice-president for foreign and defense policy studies at the American Enterprise Institute, wrote in CNN last month that Trump “not only knows nothing about national security, he doesn’t care to know.”

Kevin Madden, national advisor to APPS and senior advisor to Mitt Romney’s 2012 campaign, told the Daily Beast in May that he will not vote for Trump.

And George W. Bush national security advisor Stephen Hadley, a board member at APPS and Raytheon, declined to endorse either candidate.

Fifty Republican former national security officials recently signed a letter opposing Trump. Donald Rumsfeld, George W. Bush’s first defense secretary, is the most prominent national security expert to endorse Trump.

On Monday, Trump attacked the former national security officials who came out against him. He said in a statement that the letter was “politically motivated,” and that “they are nothing more than the failed Washington elite looking to hold onto their power.”

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